In 2023, the Women’s Reservation Bill (this time pompously titled “Narishakti Vandan Adhiniyam‘) was finally passed in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, although its implementation was delayed for the foreseeable future. After two years comes Missing: Muslim women in Lok Sabha (pub: Juggernaut), a shocker that further addresses the issue of underrepresentation. Co-authored by Rashid Kidwai and Ambar Kumar Ghosh, a journalist-political scientist duo, it reveals some disturbing facts such as: of the 7,500 MPs elected after the first elections in 1951-52, only 18 (0.6 per cent) were Muslim women, among whom 13 might not have made it if they had not come from political parties. dynasties.
Muslim women seem to be doubly marginalized by both religious identity and patriarchy, and even the “dynasts” among them have intervened only because of the death, absence, or imprisonment of a male family member. So they easily reduce to “bahin, beti, bahu“Figure. Also, of the 18 Lok Sabhas formed by 2025, five did not have a single Muslim woman. While most of these parliamentarians hail from Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Assam, even Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, most states and UTs have never sent a single Muslim woman to the lower house. These include five southern states that are also known for their high The number of Muslim women elected to parliament in one term has never exceeded four (Ikra Hasan is the only Muslim woman in the current LS.)
Next, as case studies and statistics intersect with the narrative, we delve into the fascinating lives of 18 Muslim women who have made it – from housewives to activist Gandhi, ex-queen and ex-cricketer, ex-first lady to actress and doctor to educator – including early pioneers such as Maimuna Sultan and Mafida Ahmad, as well as recent trailblazers such as Mausam Benazir Noor and Iqra Hasan and dynasts like Begum Noor, Abida Ahmed and Mehbooba Mufti and mass warriors like Zograben Akbar Bhai Chawda and Mamtaz Sangamita. On Kashmir, both Akbar Jahan Abdullah, representing the Kashmir National Conference, and Mehbooba Mufti, the face of her party’s arch-rival PDP, carved out their own seats. However, few women served as members of parliament for long periods or became ministers. In addition, the book assesses whether they influenced policy, legislation and national discourse, or simply acted as supporters of patriarchal/family/party orders. The answer varies from person to person.
The book is ambiguous about feminist politics and efforts, citing the “not feminist but humanist” views of some prominent female politicians. Sometimes it borders on glorifying them, claiming that none of these women have been charged with corruption, while Nusrat Jahan was actually being investigated by the ED, and most of them were barely visible in their constituencies. However, thanks to Shashi Tharoor’s sharply written foreword, the book breaks through the smokescreen of equal representation in Parliament promised by our Constitution. The BJP often presents itself as the self-styled savior of Muslim women (punishing triple talaq and polygamy), but it should rather ensure that they are well represented in Parliament. Let the alternative voices speak for themselves is this writer’s suggestion.
Missing: Muslim women in Lok Sabha
Rashid Kidwai and Ambar Kumar Ghosh
Juggernaut
P. 308; 599 rupees
